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Volume 87, No.4, May-June 2001

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Duke Magazine-The Culture of the Gun    

From business to government to private life, Ambassador James Joseph has been striving to act ethically and develop new models of leadership.

ames Joseph has a word to describe those who take their concerns about private morality and wield them like a weapon against individuals.
Joseph: a leader at the Center for Leadership and Public Values

More Information
Terry Sanford Institute of Public Policy

The Hart Leadership Program

James Joseph's Biography at The Hart Leadership Program



He calls them “virtuecrats.” And while the former U.S. ambassador to South Africa is as concerned as anyone about ethics and morality—more concerned than most, actually—he is just as concerned that the focus on private virtues be matched by an equal emphasis on public values.
“In this society, we are beginning to see that people who have been demanding that their leaders act morally as individuals are now beginning to demand that their institutions act ethically,” Joseph says. “We have an opportunity now to enlarge that conversation
—to talk about ethics and government, ethics and business, ethics and social change, ethics and protest. The moment is basically right.”
Joseph has experience in knowing when the moment is right. His office at Duke’s Sanford Institute of Public Policy provides just the latest in a long line of opportunities for him to expound and act upon his long-held ideas of an ethical society, from his days as a civil-rights organizer in Alabama in the early 1960s to his appointment by President Clinton as ambassador to the post-apartheid South Africa of Nelson Mandela. He has spent the past year as professor of the practice of public policy studies at the Sanford Institute and as leader-in-residence at its Hart Leadership Program. In February, he traveled halfway around the world for four months in South Africa, a schedule necessitated by his alternating semesters at Duke and at the University of Cape Town, and by the project for which one could say he has been preparing since his boyhood: the Center for Leadership and Public Values, based in Chapel Hill and Cape Town.
“I think I have a point of view and a perspective that ought to be part of the national conversation,” he says, “and so I will want to find some time to begin to translate these ideas into the sort of workable concepts that the public can identify with.” That translation has taken the form of his “Leadership and Public Values” class, a book on ethics and public life, and the nascent Center for Leadership and Public Values, which will be an independent center affiliated with Duke and the University of Cape Town.

MANDELA’S LEGACY

For Nelson Mandela, principled diplomacy was not a theory. It was a way of being. Joseph Jaworski, the son of the Watergate prosecutor, has written a book in which he borrows from Carl Jung the notion of “synchronicity” to refer to those moments when things come together in an almost unbelievable way, when events that could never have been predicted seem remarkably to guide us along a path.

In his book Long Walk to Freedom, Nelson Mandela gives us a personal, reflective account of his own journey of self-discovery, struggle, setback, renewed hope, and ultimate triumph. Through the telling of his life story, he provides a glimpse of how the stage was set for the South African transition, which occurred not only without violence and retribution, but with a remarkable spirit of healing and forgiveness.
 In getting to know him, one is struck by the fact that his extraordinary capacity to do the right thing has more to do with his total being—the orientation of his character, consciousness, and commitment—than it has to do with public-relations sensitivity or good advisers. I once congratulated his communications director on the way in which he and his staff always seemed to put Mr. Mandela in the right setting at the right time and with the right message. He looked at me in amazement and said, “It is not us—it is the old man himself.”
 Many leadership scholars and educators use James McGregor Burns’ notion of “transforming leadership” to describe Nelson Mandela. While there is no doubt that Mandela operated at an elevated level of moral consciousness and appealed to the better nature of both his followers and his adversaries, I personally prefer to compare him to Robert Greenleaf’s idea of the “servant leader,” for whom the first choice is the choice to serve. Leadership is what follows.
 For Greenleaf, it is when the choice to serve undergirds the moral formation of the leader that we have the best antidote against the misuse of the hierarchical power that separates the leader from those led. The potential of hierarchy to corrupt would be diminished, according to Greenleaf, if leaders saw themselves as servants of those they lead—if they saw their job, their fundamental reason for being, as true service.

—from James Joseph, “Ethics and Diplomacy: What I Learned from Nelson Mandela,” The Anthony Joseph Drexel Biddle Jr. Lecture, given at the Sanford Institute of Public Policy on February 7, 2001..”
It is no accident that leadership is the common denominator. Joseph has been learning and teaching about the subject for decades, in arenas far removed from the classroom. “I have decided to focus on leadership because of my experience in all three sectors of society: business, government, and civil society,” he says. “I know a lot of people whose experiences could be beneficial to emerging leaders. One of the best things I could do is bring those people together, emerging leaders with experienced leaders, so leaders could learn from leaders. I’m not developing leaders—I’m identifying leaders who are emerging and who have the potential to provide leadership in a much larger way. And I’m identifying experienced leaders who are models of public accountability and efficiency, who can be not only models but mentors for emerging leaders.
“That’s why I’m establishing the center. The focus is not on what can the university teach these leaders. It’s what these young leaders can learn from experienced leaders. Best practices: What did you consider when you were mayor to be best practices in terms of the way you operated as a mayor, and the way in which you responded to your constituents as mayor? Even more important, how do you avoid burnout? What do you do for spiritual and intellectual renewal?”
While he doesn’t hold himself up as the model of leadership, pointing instead to other leaders, from Nelson Mandela to philanthropist-industrialist J. Irwin Miller, Ambassador Joseph is one of those who has been through it, and whose going through it holds the lessons emerging leaders can follow. He has come a long way from the Jim Crow South of his youth, when the rules of segregation were clear and brutal—separate and unequal facilities for education, transportation, and recreation. Whites only. No Colored allowed.
In his hometown of Opelousas, Louisiana, where he grew up in the late 1930s and through the 1940s, this was a way of life. It was still a way of life when he was a student at Yale Divinity School, where, upon earning an internship to spend a year in a college chaplaincy, he had to request an assignment to an integrated school. And to his dismay, it was still a way of life when he got his first job after seminary—a teaching post at historically black Stillman College in Tuscaloosa, Alabama.
Alabama had been feeling the pressures of change for nearly a decade when Joseph arrived there with his wife and month-old son in 1963. The Montgomery bus boycott of 1954-55 had shown the success of non-violent social protest and catapulted a young minister named Martin Luther King Jr. into the national spotlight. Freedom Riders had taken Greyhound buses into the heart of Dixie’s segregated travel laws, facing a bus bombing in Anniston, Alabama, and beatings in Montgomery. The Birmingham movement had survived the dogs and fire hoses of Sheriff Bull Connor and a bombing directed at King and his lieutenant, Fred Shuttlesworth. Even in Tuscaloosa, the enrollment of Vivian Malone and James Hood had prompted bantamweight governor George Wallace to stand in the door of the University of Alabama’s Foster Auditorium to fulfill his pledge, “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever!”
But there was no real movement in Tuscaloosa. Despite the currents of social change swirling around the South, it was clear that the city remained a stagnant pool of racism. For downtown, where blacks worked and shopped, a new courthouse was being built—with one particular design feature that was, for this young professor, the last straw.

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